Marriage, Divorce, And Charges Of Domestic Violence And Abuse by Charles E. Corry, Ph.D.

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| Chapter 8 — Demographics Of Domestic Violence In Colorado |

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Note: The term "redfems" is used as a synonym for neo-Marxist radical feminists as described by the essays here.

Index

Divorce

No marriage, no divorce

Shack-up violence

The death of marriage


 

Divorce

Population-normalized divorce data for each year are compiled for comparison in Table 77. Implicit in these tabulations is the assumption that the percentage of married couples is reasonably uniform in all judicial districts in Colorado.


 
    Table 77: Number of divorces in Colorado by judicial district per 10,000 residents 1

Judicial district

Colorado Counties

Divorces per 10,000

residents 2

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

First

Gilpin and Jefferson

65

62

60

59

56

52

53

52

50

49

50

53

Second

Denver

64

58

56

57

56

51

50

55

51

50

52

56

Third

Huerfano and Las Animas

74

72

63

67

70

60

56

66

57

57

70

67

Fourth

El Paso and Teller

75

75

72

70

64

63

67

69

64

66

65

71

Fifth

Clear Creek, Eagle, Lake, Summit

57

44

42

41

44

41

45

47

46

43

47

42

Sixth

Archuleta, La Plata, and San Juan

60

66

56

57

59

53

49

48

49

48

52

48

Seventh

Delta, Gunnison, Hinsdale,

Montrose, Ouray, and San Miguel

73

70

64

70

66

65

64

65

65

56

61

48

Eighth

Jackson and Larimer

58

53

54

55

53

51

49

50

50

48

45

53

Ninth

Garfield, Pitkin, and Rio Blanco

71

63

64

68

70

59

62

60

61

63

64

66

Tenth

Pueblo

62

61

61

56

52

52

57

58

57

56

57

51

Eleventh

Chaffee, Custer, Fremont, Park

68

58

60

59

61

56

56

54

52

53

51

60

Twelfth

Alamosa, Conejos, Costilla,

Mineral, Rio Grande, Saguache

57

70

64

60

65

61

59

73

62

68

63

66

Thirteenth

Kit Carson, Logan, Morgan,

Phillips, Sedgwick, Washington,

and Yuma

60

55

56

60

54

51

51

52

49

50

54

55

Fourteenth

Grand, Moffat, and Routt

68

58

62

58

63

57

62

58

58

57

61

58

Fifteenth

Baca, Cheyenne, Kiowa, Prowers

64

64

67

64

59

56

47

59

47

50

50

52

Sixteenth

Bent, Crowley, and Otero

60

74

72

63

72

77

60

69

58

63

64

60

Seventeenth

Adams

59

57

53

52

50

49

46

49

48

47

46

48

Eighteenth

Arapahoe, Douglas, Elbert, Lincoln

56

58

54

55

51

50

47

51

51

49

48

51

Nineteenth

Weld

62

56

51

47

50

46

49

47

47

49

50

46

Twentieth

Boulder

53

55

52

57

46

45

44

47

44

53

43

44

Twenty first

Mesa

75

84

78

79

78

77

73

75

68

68

66

68

Twenty second

Dolores and Montezuma

73

68

70

72

67

59

53

57

60

72

69

70

Totals (includes Denver)

Average (Divorces/Population)

Mean of 22 judicial districts

Standard deviation of 22 districts

25,541

Av. 63

M 67

SD 7

26,632

Av 62

M 63

SD 9

25,891

Av 59

M 61

SD 8

26,341

Av 59

M 60

SD 9

25,318

Av 56

M 59

SD 9

24,464

Av 53

M 56

SD 9

24,537

Av 53

M 55

SD 8

26,075

Av 62

M 57

SD 9

25,641

Av 53

M 53

SD 7

25,641

AV 53

M 55

SD 8

26,202

AV 52

M 56

SD 8

27,623

AV 55

M 56

SD 9

 

Notes:

1. Total number of domestic relations filings are given by Colorado State Court for each year and are population-normalized based on county estimates by U.S Census Bureau.

2. Divorces includes all dissolutions, legal separations, and invalid marriage.

Top


 

With twelve years of data now available (Table 77) it is clear that the average number of divorces per 10,000 residents has been generally trending downward, with the exception of a spike in 2006 while the total number of divorces generally is in the range of 25,500-27,600. However, since 1999 the state population has increased from 4,056,133 to 5,029,196, a 24% increase. A proportionate increase of number of divorces would suggest roughly 32,000 divorces in 2010, which didn't happen.

Taken by itself that might suggest that fewer married couples are divorcing. But in Table 78 I note that the percentage of married couples arrested for domestic violence declined from 40% of the total in 1999 to just 29% in 2010, an 11% decline. There was also a 3% decline in the number of couples cohabitating during these eleven years who were arrested for domestic violence in Colorado. Since there are no data that indicates married couples argue and fight any less now than a decade ago, there is a strong suggestion that the number of married couples in Colorado has sharply declined over the past decade. And nationally the marriage rate dropped from 9.8 per 1,000 in 1990 to just 5.4 per 1,000 in 2008. Clearly fewer people are getting married.


 
    Table 78: Total domestic violence incidents reported by Colorado Bureau of Investigation versus number of married and common law victims

Year

U.S. Census

State

Population

Colorado Bureau of Investigation

Domestic Violence Reports

Total DV

Incidents

Reported

Number

married

victims

(%of total)

Number common

law victims

(% of total)

Total married or

common law

(%of total)

1995

3,738,061

5,425

2,253 (42%)

456 (8%)

2,709 (50%)

1996

3,812,716

9,128

3,751 (41%)

881 (10%)

4,632 (51%)

1997

3,891,293

6,054

2,527 (42%)

523 (9%)

3,050 (50%)

1998

3,968,967

6,770

2,751 (41%)

553 (8%)

3,304 (49%)

1999

4,056,133

6,951

2,745 (40%)

641 (9%)

3,386 (49%)

2000

4,301,261

7,653

3,104 (41%)

654 (9%)

3,758 (49%)

2001

4,430,989

7,234

2,816 (39%)

524 (7%)

3,340 (46%)

2002

4,506,542

7,261

2,754 (38%)

563 (8%)

3,317 (46%)

2003

4,550,688

7,108

2,681 (38%)

543 (8%)

3,224 (45%)

2004

4,601,403

7,536

2,677 (36%)

565 (8%)

3,242 (43%)

2005

4.665,177

10,523

3,441 (33%)

949 (9%)

4,390 (42%)

2006

4,753,377

11,215

3,796 (34%)

1,037 (9%)

4,833 (43%)

2007

4,861,515

11,362

3,556 (31%)

802 (7%)

4,358 (38%)

2008

4,939,456

11,636

3,474 (30%)

707 (6%)

4,181 (36%)

2009

5,024,748

12,855

3,711 (29%)

725 (6%)

4.436 (35%)

2010

5,029,196

12,922

3,771 (29%)

725 (6%)

4,496 (35%)

Top


 

Also of note is the much smaller standard deviation (S.D. 7-9) between judicial districts for divorces than for protection orders (S.D. 23-37). The small standard deviation indicates couples get divorced at a fairly uniform rate throughout the state and the court statistics are adequately sampling this variable. Filing for divorce or separation is an individual decision and thus serves, in a sense, as a check on court statistics.

As might be expected, some judicial districts with a large number of restraining orders, e.g. Third, Fourth, Ninth, Twelfth, and Sixteenth (Table 61), have relatively high divorce rates. Other districts, e.g., the Tenth (Table 61), has a high rate of restraining orders but average divorce rates.

With its jump in restraining orders since 2006 (Table 63), by 2008 the Twenty Second Judicial District was the leading judicial district in the state in per capita divorces with 72 per 10,000 residents (Table 77) in 2008. However, it fell back to second behind the Third in 2009, but it is still not a welcome haven for children, men, and women.

While some correlation is evident, available data suggest that the issuance of restraining orders is not the primary factor driving divorces, nor are divorces solely driving the issuance of restraining orders.

While protection orders and domestic violence complaints cannot be shown to be driving divorces, or vice versa, abundant anecdotal evidence shows that the use of such orders is a major and commonplace weapon to gain advantage in a divorce, particularly in custody disputes. It is reliably estimated that one-fourth to one-third of divorces in Colorado involve allegations of domestic violence or abuse primarily to gain advantage, or as a weapon of vengeance or revenge. An estimated 8,000 to 11,000 of the domestic abuse and violence filings in 2009 thus involved divorce disputes. Note that estimate is closely aligned with the estimates of false allegations determined previously.

Further, by 2010 the dominant use of domestic violence laws, originally passed under the banner of protecting battered wives, is in boyfriend/girlfriend situations. Of 12,922 domestic violence incidents reported to police in 2010, 7,634 (59%) were logged as boyfriend/girlfriend. Instead of protecting wives, domestic violence laws are now apparently used as a principal weapon in the courtship war between the sexes. And filing false allegations of domestic violence or the more popular approach of getting a protection order is virtually certain to end any relationship. Couples who once fought, then kissed and made up, and often went on to marriage, happy or otherwise, now have their affair sabotaged by Big Sister who encourages them to call police or get a restraining order.


 

No marriage, no divorce

Top

One reason for a lack of direct correlation between domestic violence, restraining (protection) orders, and divorce is that the majority of the men and women involved in these incidents simply aren't married, as noted above. That fact is vividly illustrated in Table 78.

The current statewide domestic violence laws were passed in 1994 and in 1995 half of the domestic violence incidents reported involved either married couples or partners living together (Table 78). The sixteen years since then have seen a dramatic drop and by 2010 only 35% of the reported incidents involved married or common-law couples. Initially 41-42% of reported incidents originated from married couples but by 2010 only 29% of the incidents involved married couples (Table 78).

This finding is profound in that, in the main, we really are not talking about spouse abuse in Colorado.
By 2010 less than 30% of DV incidents in police reports involved married couples.

There are at least two possible explanations for why the percentage of DV incident reports for married couples has dropped 12-13% in the fifteen years since the statewide domestic violence laws have been in effect:

Hypothesis One: Couples have learned, at their peril, that it is a very bad idea to call 911 in any domestic dispute. This hypothesis is supported by the police data presented in Table 75. However, if that were the entire reason, why haven't incident reports from common-law relationships dropped a similar amount? Table 78 shows the percentage of cohabitating couples bouncing irregularly up and down between 6% and 10% between 1995 and 2010 rather than the consistent, steady decrease shown for married couples. As noted below, domestic violence has long been reported as "shack up" violence, which certainly isn't supported by the data in Table 78.

Hypothesis Two: The percentage of married couples in the Colorado population has declined by 12-13% since the domestic violence laws were passed and that is reflected in the percentage of DV incidents reported in Table 78. That inference is strongly supported by the available data illustrated in Table 79. Although currently marriage data for Colorado are only available through 2004 this hypothesis clearly links passage of the domestic violence laws in 1994 to the dramatic decline in marriages since then.


 
    Table 79: Plot of marriage, divorce, and restraining order rates for Colorado for the years 1998 through 2004

 

Shack-up violence

Top

John Maguire has pointed out that: "Although the words 'domestic' violence are commonly used, some commentators say that a better description would be 'shack-up' violence..." But that isn't borne out by the available data. From 1995 to 2010 Table 78 shows essentially random variation in the percentage of incidents involving common-law marriages and the percentage of all incidents for such couples is consistently 6-10%.

One might also infer that, since the percentage of DV incidents reported by common-law couples has remained relatively constant, the total number of common-law couples has also remained relatively constant. I don't have supporting data for that conclusion, however.


 

The death of marriage

Top

The Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment has been tracking marriage rates since 1950. For most of the fifty-plus years between 1950 and 2004, the marriage rate has averaged around 100 per 10,000 citizens per year, with a low in 1956 of 81 and a high of 125 in 1981. But since 1994 the marriage rate has been declining fairly consistently (Table 79) and, by 2004, stood at a historic low of 77 per 10,000 citizens. As noted before, by 2008 nationally the marriage rate had declined to just 54 per 10,000.

Also it is quite evident from Table 79 that as the number of marriages declined so did the number of divorces. One expects marriage and divorce to be coupled variables.

It is unlikely to be simply a coincidence that statewide domestic violence laws were passed in 1994. However, as noted above (Table 77), it has been evident since archival data became available from the Colorado courts that there was no direct relationship between domestic violence cases and divorce rates.

In strong contrast with the decline in marriages and divorces is the increase in restraining orders evident in Table 79. An inverse relationship between marriages and restraining orders is plainly evident in Table 79 through 2004. Clearly, the implication is that as charges of domestic violence and abuse increase the number of marriages declines. That finding agrees with common sense and the data in Table 78.

Marriages are built on trust and a restraining order or domestic violence accusation destroys any and all trust in one's partner. Available data link passage of the statewide DV laws in 1994 with a 12-13% overall decline in the number of married coupes in Colorado since then. It is expected the decline in marriages is much larger among the younger population, particularly since dialing 911 appears to have become the weapon of choice in boyfriend/girlfriend disputes.

With the rate of restraining orders virtually equal to the marriage rate, 73 versus 77 in 2004, does anyone think our society can long survive under these laws and practices?

An inverse relationship between restraining orders and divorce begs for explanation but data for several more years is required to establish any clear trend. At present it appears that divorce is most strongly coupled with the number of marriages. Naturally, the fewer marriages the fewer divorces, and that relationship is plain in Table 79.

There are, of course, many other factors contributing to the decline of marriage in today's society, e.g., the easy availability of sex without getting married. Women also blame men, as usual, for having a fear of commitment. But it is a rare man today who has not been caught up in the nightmare of a divorce, allegations of domestic violence, a restraining order, or faced charges of sexual harassment; or at least has a close friend, co-worker, parent, sibling, or other relative who has been through the horror of our present legal system.

If unsupported allegations of domestic violence and abuse can be freely made in divorce and custody disputes with the law strongly favoring the female, then a man has to be functionally insane to marry and a drooling idiot to sire a child.

By not marrying and using modern birth control methods, our best and brightest largely avoid the nightmares our family laws and courts have become. As a result, marriage laws have become a breeding experiment in stupidity.

Statistically, biologically, and socially, the safest possible place for a child is with their biological father.
For a woman the safest place is married to and living in their home with the biological father of her children.
Redfem ideologues, supported by law and illustrated by the data above, preach and practice just the opposite with disastrous effects on our society.

Top


 

| EJF Home | Join the EJF | Comments? | Get EJF newsletter | Newsletters |

| DV Home | Abstract | Contents | Authors and Site Map | Tables | Index | Bibliography |

 

| Chapter 8 — Demographics Of Domestic Violence In Colorado |

| Next — Lack of judicial oversight by Charles E. Corry, Ph.D. |

| Back — Mandatory arrest-Deters intervention and increases homicides by Charles E. Corry, Ph.D. |


 

This site is supported and maintained by the Equal Justice Foundation.

Revised October 2010

Last modified 3/10/14