Demographic Summary by Charles E. Corry, Ph.D.

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Note: The term “redfems” is used as a synonym for neo-Marxist radical feminists as described by the essays here.

Index

What do the demographic data show?

Having waded laboriously through this mass of statistics, what have we learned? For the years during which consistent DV data are available, currently 1995 to 2010 for Colorado Bureau of Investigation (CBI) police data (Table 72) and from 1999 through 2010 for court data (Table 62), the following trends are clear:

• The number of court cases in Colorado for domestic violence and abuse is increasing both in total number and on a per capita basis (Table 72). Logically, if the number of court cases continues to increase the inference is that the problem is becoming worse.

• There are consistently one-and-a-half more court cases of domestic violence than DV incidents reported to police in Colorado (Table 72 and Table 80). Since the police only report violent incidents the remaining court cases can be presumed to be non-violent and likely false or unsubstantiated.

• The number of civil and criminal DV domestic violence and abuse cases increased from 62 per 10,000 citizens in 1998 to a high of 78 in 2003 and 77 in 2010 (Table 79). Clearly these oppressive laws have not served to decrease family violence in any measurable fashion.

• The draconian police response mandated by the 1994 DV laws primarily acts to deter citizens from calling 911 (Table 73, Table 74, and Table 75). Since the percentage of 911 calls related to a domestic disturbance continues to decrease it is clear citizens have become more afraid of the justice system than the antics of their intimate partners.

• The mandatory arrest law is a failure and actually increases the danger of victims who are more afraid of calling 911 than their intimate partners even though they may really need help and someone to intercede. Iyengar (2007) establishes that mandatory arrest increases domestic homicides by 60%.

• Males have clearly been the victim in at least 20-23% of the DV incidents reported to police in Colorado since 1999 (Table 72). Prior to enactment of these extreme laws arrests of females in domestic cases was only 5-15% of police reports.

• Less than one half of the police incidents of “domestic” violence involve couples living together. By 2010 only 35% of DV incidents involved married or common-law couples (Table 77).

• The percentage of DV incidents involving married couples has fallen from 42% in 1995 to 29% in 2010 (Table 77) suggesting a corresponding decrease in the number of married couples in the general population that correlates with the passage of the 1994 domestic violence laws.

• The increase in restraining orders is inversely correlated with a steep decline in the marriage rate (Table 78). As of 2004, the latest available data, there are nearly as many restraining orders issued as marriage licenses in Colorado.

• False allegations and perjury are virtually never punished (Table 69 and Table 70). Subornation of perjury isn't even a crime in Colorado and the state Supreme Court has ruled that a defendant cannot obtain any information from shelters or victim's advocates about what they instructed “victims” to do or say.

• There is no consistent correlation between other problems in the society, e.g., offenses such as theft, harassment, fraud, drug use, and underage alcohol use, and domestic violence in most judicial districts (Table 66).

• The finding by Dugan (2003, p. 299), and subsequent findings by the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) that since 2001 only 0.5% of households suffer an incident of criminal domestic violence in a given year is about 30% less than the number of incidents reported to police in Colorado (Table 80).

• Conversely, the number of domestic violence court cases does not correlate with either the police data or the NCVS estimates. In fact, court filings are consistently more than twice the NCVS estimates (Table 80).

• Because domestic violence is an add-on charge that can be applied to any other crime, only rarely do the cases involve actual violence.

• Recidivism in DV cases in the Fourth Judicial District since 2000 has remained relatively constant generally between 36% and 38% of all Fast Track cases. It is clear that the draconian pains and penalties of current laws do not act as a deterrent.

• Violence against women in a domestic relationship, i.e., married or common law, is quite rare. CBI data show about 3,000 married women a year in all of Colorado are reportedly victims of “domestic” violence. With approximately 475,000 married women currently living in Colorado at most 0.6% are in any danger from domestic violence, and for 75% of these cases the peril is limited to simple assault. However, the actual number of DV assaults of married women is much lower than 3,000. It is known that a substantial number of such incidents reported to police are false allegations to gain advantage in a divorce or as a cover for infidelity.

• Converging lines of evidence suggest a peak in female violence and their entering perimenopause between the age of 35 and 44.

Thus, current laws, police practices, and court policies do not deter offenders, protect victims, or fix the problem of intimate partner violence. Quite clearly these intemperate, ideologically-based statutes deter citizens from calling 911 in a domestic disturbance (Table 73). These laws are clearly destroying the institution of marriage (Table 77 and Table 78) and our children.

It should be self evident that if a law is passed, and the problem becomes worse, then the law is not the solution. The law and courts are, however, part of the problem today as available data clearly show.

Clearly the justice system is far more of a threat to a family and their children than is their partner.

There is abundant evidence that current domestic violence laws and practices punish the innocent and free the guilty.

Unwarranted denial of civil rights

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If one-half (low of 25%, high of 75% depending on judicial district) of all domestic violence charges and domestic abuse protection orders are false allegations, as demographic analysis strongly suggests, then somewhere between 6,500 and 20,000 Colorado citizens, mostly men, are now charged with domestic violence and issued protection orders without reasonable basis every year that:

• Force them out of their homes with little more than the clothes they stand in.

• Makes an arrest mandatory that requires no warrant, and arrest is often based on nothing more than hearsay. And Iyengar (2007) establishes that mandatory arrest increases domestic homicides by 60%.

• Are based on “probable cause,” which is often nothing more than the statement of an angry female based on something as intangible as the “potential for emotional harm,” or hearsay based on a phone call from a neighbor or passerby who hears loud noises or an argument.

• Allows police to enter and search a home without a warrant.

• Assumes a man is guilty until he can prove his innocence, and he is often still regarded as guilty even after that, particularly if he is in the military or holds a public service position.

• Punishes men if they plead innocent but sets them free if they plead guilty.

• Punishes and imprisons men before a trial or without one.

• Denies men the right to confront their accuser and obtain witnesses in their defense.

• Keeps men from any children they may have had with their accuser, sometimes even when men have been granted custody of those children.

• Seizes property without redress.

• Bans men from possessing weapons even if required for their employment or military service.

• Sends men to “therapy” that often amounts to little more than an ideological rant about the evils of the patriarchy.

• Provides what is commonly only a mockery of a hearing or a trial.

• Gives men a lifetime sentence with no possibility of parole.

• Never punishes the perjury and false allegations of their accusers and prohibits them from obtaining evidence of subornation of perjury against them.

These are acts of a police state and the policies of tyrants.

Such actions destroy children, families, relationships, and marriages by the tens of thousands in Colorado alone.

Commonly the only way a man convicted of domestic violence or abuse can avoid violating a protection order is to move away. That is particularly true in the rural areas of Colorado or if the woman is seeking vengeance. Protection order violations have become a rich hunting ground for redfems seeking to destroy marriage and families in order to gain their ideological objective of destroying the patriarchy.

All contact with a man's children will probably be lost if he is forced to move, though he will be hounded, his professional and drivers licenses taken away, and he will probably be jailed in a de facto debtor's prison should his child support payments slip.

Whether a man goes to jail for violating the protection order, or moves out of town, he will probably lose his job and any benefits. Worse, in trying to get a new job, he now has a criminal record. After all, who wants to hire a convicted “wife beater.”

Professional licenses, e.g., medical, stockbrokers, professional engineer, commercial drivers, teaching certificate, etc., are commonly denied to those with domestic violence convictions.

A DV conviction or a permanent protection order prevents the offender from using a firearm or being in possession of ammunition, e.g., military, police, security guard under the Lautenberg Amendment. Their security clearance will be revoked or denied. They will lose the ability to handle or transport hazardous materials.

Under Colorado law a convicted DV offender cannot be the custodial parent. So, if he (and sometimes she) has children, a DV conviction or protection order likely means he will become another “Deadbeat Dad” though “Driven-Away Dad” would be a much more accurate description.

As lenders and landlords commonly check backgrounds on COcourts.com or the Colorado Bureau of Investigation records check, it will be difficult and often impossible for a man convicted of domestic violence to rent an apartment, buy a house, or get a loan.

Short of execution, there are few more cruel punishments than those based on the mere accusation, or even hearsay, alleging domestic violence or abuse.

Sadly, the most common basis for domestic violence accusations is simply a loud argument between a couple with possibly some pushing and shoving. Common sense tells us that a courtroom is no place to settle a family argument or lover's quarrel. But a 911 call is almost certainly mutual assured destruction of the relationship and, all too frequently, the individuals involved and, sadly, their children.

The most destructive effect of all with these oppressive laws is on veterans suffering from post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and traumatic brain injuries (TBI) after multiple tours of combat in the endless wars of this millennium. The manifestations of PTSD virtually always fit the description of domestic violence under these statutes. As a result the lives of these brave men and women, who have sacrificed so much, are destroyed on the altar of the neo-Marxist ideology that drives these insane policies. Other mental disorders are also treated in the same inhumane fashion.

These ideologically-driven statutes do serve to enrich attorneys. If we conservatively estimate each case of domestic violence or abuse results in a minimum payment of $2,500 in attorney fees, in 2010 they were enriched by a minimum of $65 million. This money typically comes from savings and retirement funds, kid's college funds, home equity loans (if there is any equity), or is borrowed from parents. In effect we are often bankrupting citizens to pay for a failed ideology. By 2018 costs for legal representation have roughly tripled primarily as a result of redfem actions, fellow-traveler legislators, and other useful idiots.

We can imagine no greater violations of our fundamental freedoms than those imposed by the widespread abuse of restraining orders and unfounded domestic violence allegations in Colorado.

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| Chapter 8 — Demographics Of Domestic Violence In Colorado |

| Next — Chapter 9-The Male Perspective |

| Back — Lack of judicial oversight by Charles E. Corry, Ph.D. |

This site is supported and maintained by the Equal Justice Foundation.

Revised October 2010

Last modified 9/10/24